{"id":2807,"date":"2019-10-04T00:24:07","date_gmt":"2019-10-04T00:24:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/?page_id=2807"},"modified":"2020-07-08T22:37:52","modified_gmt":"2020-07-08T22:37:52","slug":"academic-freedoms-in-authoritarian-regimes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/?p=2807&lang=en","title":{"rendered":"Academic Freedoms in Authoritarian Regimes"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

\nAbstract<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nrise of \u201ccompetitive authoritarian regimes\u201d, which shows an\nincreasing trend in the last two decades, affects all educational\ninstitutions. Since these regimes maintain their power through\npopulist policies, they invest in universities and care about\ncontrolling them. They use highly sophisticated methods to control\nhigher education institutions, which are similar in almost all\nautocratic countries. <\/em>\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Russia,\nHungary and Turkey, while attempting to create seemingly a running\nhealthy democratic regime they always put pressure on academics and\nacademic institutions and aim to ultimately completely control them.\nThe pressures have reached to the extent of attempting to revoke\neducational licenses even closing international universities in\nHungary and Russia. The pretext of an attempted failed coup attempt\nin Turkey was used as an excuse to shut down 15 universities and to\ndismiss about nine thousand faculty members and staff from the\nuniversities in Turkey.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Democracies\nwere expected to dominate the world after the dissolution of the\nSoviet Union. Although there were some developments supporting this\nexpectation at the beginning, as time progressed, we faced a\nphenomenon called \u201ccompetitive authoritarian regime\u201d. The\ntendency of authoritarianization, which accelerated in the last 20\nyears, is also reflected in universities and academic life. This\nseemingly new democratic form of government emerged after Vladimir\nPutin administration in Russia, and has been partially or completely\nimplemented in many other countries in worldwide. With emergence of\ncompetitive authoritarian regime, some concepts began to lose their\nclarity nowadays. It is now more difficult to answer questions such\nas what countries are governed by real democracy and where academic\nfreedoms are easier to practice. As the countries governed by\nauthoritarian regimes proliferate, more and more academics are forced\nto leave their country. Since\nfreedom of thought and expression is essential to any higher\ninstitution,\ncontrolling or even seizure of operations of universities can be the\nprimary objective of the authoritarian governments.1<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\napproach of these new hybrid or authoritarian regimes to universities\ndiffers from the approach of traditional kingdoms and the common\ndictatorships in the Middle Eastern countries. In traditional\nkingdoms, universities may be able to do all sorts of activities that\ndo not directly target the kingdom. In a sense, universities are not\ncritical to the royal and they leave a relatively free room for\nacademia. There is not much regime debate in those countries anyway.\nAs the dictatorships and monarchic regimes do not claim democracy,\nthe academic environment in these countries cannot be compared with\nthe true democratic countries. But ironically competitive\nauthoritarian regimes claim to be the most democratic and try to\nensure the approval of their assertion by academia. Therefore, the\nfreedom of academics and the state-university relationship in these\nregimes are worthy of further investigation.2<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nfact that the authoritarian regimes initiated by Russia continue with\nelections does not make these regimes truly democratic, these\ncountries can be named as electoral\nauthoritarianism<\/strong>.\nHowever, to win\nelections these regimes prioritize populist policies, among other\nmeasures. They wish to appear in close relationship with the public\nby making investments in higher educational institutes, which have an\nimportant and high-ranking place in the public eye. In this context,\nsuch regimes develop very different and sophisticated ways of\ncontrolling universities as they see academic freedom as a major\nthreat to themselves. The pressure of Hungary, a member of the\nEuropean Union, to a university showed how close this danger was.\nMichael Ignatieff, president of the Central European University\n(OAU), writes an article on the subject, emphasizing such\ncontradictions in the world and giving examples from his own\nuniversity. Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who has been in power for a\nlong time with populist policies in Hungary, tried to shut down this\nuniversity by putting heavy pressure on OAU. Strong objections from\nEurope and other parts of the world seem to have saved the university\nfrom being closed for now. However, universities in other countries\nmay not be as lucky as OAU. Pressuring a university by the government\nor punishing an academician for political reasons may be enough to\nfrighten an entire academia. These regimes use all kind of actions by\ncovering their oppression and tyranny with some sheaths and use them\nrudely for the sake of maintaining their power.\n3<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As\nunderlined earlier, Hybrid authoritarian regimes use similar methods\nto put pressure on universities and they use similar arguments in\ndoing so. Acting against the Hungarian government and saving his\nuniversity from closure by raising awareness and getting support from\nthe international community, the President Prof. Michael Ignatieff\nmakes very interesting observations on the authoritarian\nadministrations of this period and highlights that the governments of\nChina, Russia and Turkey also use pressure to tightly control the\nhigher educational institutes at these countries. As mentioned in his\nwork, two internationally respected universities operating in Russia\nhave been swept away by the Russian government. One of these schools\nis Moscow School for Social and Economic Sciences, and the Russian\ngovernment has canceled the state accreditation of this school.\nDespite this, the university is still operational and continues its\neducation. Other one is European University at St. Petersburg which\nabout to be shut down due to bureaucratic difficulties put forward in\nrenewing its license.4<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>5<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>6<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Authoritarian\nregimes do not like internationally reputable institutions that exist\nwithin their country. In these countries, the most unwanted ones are\nfree universities and independent national or international academics\nwho defend freedom of speech and expression. While authoritarian\nregimes fight with such institutions and academics, they find ways to\nclear themselves against possible reactions worldwide. One of the\nmost frequently used methods for the international academicians is\nthe bureaucratic difficulty in extending their visa to stay or\ncancellation of their visa or even residency permit. Another method\ncommonly used by these regimes is to force institutions to terminate\ntheir operations due to economic reasons by avoiding students’\npreferences with slanderous news in government-controlled media\nagainst the targeted universities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Turkey\nrecently experienced more sever and harsh version of restriction of\nacademic freedom previously experienced in other countries around the\nworld. By implementing far more radical practices, the Erdogan regime\nclosed down universities that advocated freedom speech and\nexpression. In July 2016, Erdogan’s regime closed 15 universities run\nby non-profit organizations, which they had tried to harm them by\nmaking smear campaign that lasted for nearly three years prior to the\ncoup attempt and seized their assets on the pretext of supporting a\nsuspected coup attempt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\npressures experienced for three years involves the central\nauthorities reducing the student quotas of these universities, local\nauthorities and\/or municipalities not approving licenses of\neducational buildings and revoking the existing approved licenses.\nMoreover, they employed other means to seize operations of such\ninstitutions, which involves reducing the interest of students by\ntargeting such institutions in the pro government media outlets,\nconfiscating the belongings of foundations running such schools by\ncourt order, changing the university administration, and detaining or\narresting faculty members, staffs and administrators.\nBut they must have decided that all these pressures were not enough,\nthey seized operations of all 15 universities they targeted by a\ngovernment decree affecting the lives of approximately sixty-five\nthousand students, which is 40 times the number of students at OAU.\nThese students had to transfer to other schools; many of them lost\ntheir scholarships some lost their educational rights. Moreover,\nabout 2500 faculty members have lost their jobs, benefits and\nlegal rights<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\npressures we have mentioned thus far included the private\nuniversities whose ownership and management are not directly\nstate-owned. Of course, similar pressures can easily be implemented\nwith desired results in the state-owned universities. The employment\ncontracts of foreign academicians working in the state-owned public\nuniversities can easily be revoked and these people can be deported\nout of the country. It is also not too difficult to fire and dismiss\ntenured faculty members and staff in these regimes by newly passed\nlaws. Since the administrations are directly appointed by the\ngovernment in such institutions, it is not difficult to create the\ndesired pressurized environment. In state universities, there are\noften numerous ambitious academicians who cannot stand out with their\nacademic work. These people often help to create any kind of\npressurized environment as a voluntary collaborator of such\nregimes.7<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>8<\/sup><\/a>,<\/sup>9<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\ntoday’s world where knowledge gains more value and power and academic\ndiversity comes to the fore, it is unlikely that institutions that\nare pressured by the state can compete with their competitors and\ncontinue their vitality. Academics by nature are often timid and tend\nto leave their institution under pressure and go elsewhere. They\noften avoid to engage in conflicts and political fights if their\nexpertise is not in that area. Likewise, in the face of the attacks\nof the authoritarian regimes and giant media power controlled by\nthem, students will not be willing to study at such universities that\nhave been labeled as \u2018dissident\u2019 by the regime. Public\nuniversities would not hire academics labeled as opponents and put\nextra pressure on existing\nones. Another consequence of the pressures on people and\/or groups\nwho are in opposition is to be extra careful not to touch the topics\nwhich are the sensitive to the regime, which is a kind of\nself-censorship, this way the opposition wing becomes increasingly\nfaded.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

New\ntools are needed to protect academic freedoms in authoritarian\nregimes, even to a minimum. Presumably, the creation of an\ninternational awareness on this issue can be a deterrent for\nrepressive regimes. Developing an atmosphere of solidarity between\nacademic institutions and academics may be the most effective\napproach. \n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t1<\/a>\n\tAndrea Kendall-Taylor & Erica Frantz. How Democracies Fall\n\tApart- Why Populism Is a Pathway to Autocracy. Foreign Affairs;\n\tDecember 5, 2016.\n\thttps:\/\/www.foreignaffairs.com\/articles\/2016-12-05\/how-democracies-fall-apart<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t2<\/a>\n\tErica Frantz. Democracy Dismantled: Why the Populist Threat Is Real\n\tand Serious.. World Politic Revie, March 14, 2017.\n\thttps:\/\/www.worldpoliticsreview.com\/articles\/21516\/democracy-dismantled-why-the-populist-threat-is-real-and-serious<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t3<\/a>\n\tMichael Ignatieff. The role of universities in an era of\n\tauthoritarianism. University World News; 13 April 2018.\n\thttps:\/\/www.universityworldnews.com\/post.php?story=20180413093717351<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t4<\/a>\n\tIvan Nechepurenko. The New York Times; Aug. 26, 2018. In Russia, a\n\tTop University Lacks Just One Thing: Students.\n\thttps:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/08\/26\/world\/europe\/european-university-st-petersburg-russia.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t5<\/a>\n\tIvan Nechepurenko. The New York Times; Aug. 26, 2018. In Russia, a\n\tTop University Lacks Just One Thing: Students.\n\thttps:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/08\/26\/world\/europe\/european-university-st-petersburg-russia.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t6<\/a>\n\tMeduza. Regulators have revoked their accreditation of the Moscow\n\tSchool of Social and Economic Sciences, one of Russia’s last major\n\tprivate colleges.\n\thttps:\/\/meduza.io\/en\/feature\/2018\/06\/22\/regulators-have-revoked-their-accreditation-of-the-moscow-school-of-social-and-economic-sciences-one-of-russia-s-last-major-private-colleges<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t7<\/a>\n\tBerk Esen & Sebnem Gumuscu. Rising competitive authoritarianism\n\tin Turkey. J Third World Quarterly; February 19, 2016.\n\thttps:\/\/www.tandfonline.com\/doi\/full\/10.1080\/01436597.2015.1135732<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t8<\/a>\n\thttp:\/\/www.resmigazete.gov.tr\/eskiler\/2016\/07\/20160723-8.htm<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\t9<\/a>\n\tAyse \u00c7aglar. Blow by Blow: the Assault on Academic Freedom in\n\tTurkey. ResetDOC; 29 September 2017.\n\thttps:\/\/www.resetdoc.org\/story\/blow-blow-assault-academic-freedom-turkey\/<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Abstract The rise of \u201ccompetitive authoritarian regimes\u201d, which shows an increasing trend in the last two decades, affects all educational institutions. Since these regimes maintain their power through populist policies, they invest in universities and care about controlling them. They use highly sophisticated methods to control higher education institutions, which are similar in almost all […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3067,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[108],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2807","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-articles-en-en"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/academicsolidarity.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/05\/word-image-17.jpeg?fit=625%2C313&ssl=1","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2807","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=2807"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2807\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2808,"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2807\/revisions\/2808"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/3067"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=2807"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=2807"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/academicsolidarity.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=2807"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}