Life satisfaction in Germany remains high as of 2025. According to the latest findings from the Federal Institute for Population Research (BIB), average life satisfaction nationwide is around 7.1 out of 10 (https://www.bib.bund.de/DE/Presse/Mitteilungen/2025/2025-10-29-BiB-Monitor-Wohlbefinden-2025-Wie-zufrieden-sind-Ein-und-Ausgewanderte.html). This rate has not changed significantly compared to the previous year. It is stable in the western states and has slightly increased in the eastern states. However, significant differences lie behind the general level of well-being: Intergenerational differences are particularly striking among individuals with an immigrant background (https://www.tagesspiegel.de/politik/zufriedenheit-sinkt-in-zweiter-generation-nachkommen-von-migranten-unzufriedener-als-selbst-eingewanderte-14693411.html).
Research reveals that those who immigrated to Germany later, i.e., first-generation immigrants, are relatively more satisfied with their lives. In contrast, the satisfaction level of children of immigrants born and raised in Germany is lower than both their parents and their peers without an immigrant background. According to BiB data, the average life satisfaction of children and young people with an immigrant background drops by as much as 6.3 points (https://www.zeit.de/gesellschaft/2025-10/integration-migration-zufriedenheit).
This finding is reminiscent of sociologist Aladin El Mafaalani’s concept of the “integration paradox.” According to Mafaalani, successful integration also creates a potential for new tension. This is because new generations of immigrants not only want to participate in society, but also want to have a say and be involved in governance and decision-making processes. However, when these expectations are not fully met, their sense of belonging is damaged and satisfaction diminishes (https://www.mafaalani.de/integrationsparadox). While the first generation often focuses on the gains they have achieved by comparing Germany with their country of origin, the second generation may perceive the shortcomings more acutely, seeing social equality and acceptance as a natural right.
This situation stems not only from psychological but also from structural factors. Inequalities in educational opportunities, discrimination in the labor market, access to housing, and identity-based exclusion remain prominent. Language proficiency, a higher level of education, and participation in employment no longer guarantee satisfaction on their own. On the contrary, as they integrate into society, awareness increases, expectations rise, and this paves the way for further disappointment. A similar picture is seen in other countries of immigration. Studies in countries like the Netherlands, Canada, and the United States show that first-generation immigrants are generally more optimistic, while second-generation immigrants struggle more with issues of belonging and identity. A Dutch study found that even highly educated and well-integrated immigrants perceive greater discrimination (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Integration_of_immigrants).
While Germany’s comprehensive integration policies, language courses, citizenship reforms, and employment incentives have generally improved quality of life, these policies are not always sufficient to strengthen the subjective well-being of the second generation. Well-being should be measured not only by economic indicators but also by whether individuals feel they are a valued part of society.
In conclusion, while overall life satisfaction in Germany is high, the lower satisfaction level of children of immigrants reminds us that social integration cannot be achieved solely through employment or education. Well-being is not merely income or security; it is also recognition, equality, and a sense of belonging. The second phase of integration is no longer just a matter of “settling in,” but of “feeling at home.” Therefore, new policies should be designed to increase the social participation and subjective well-being of second-generation immigrants in particular.
