Academic Solidarity e.V.

Abstract

Turkey was considered as a country which combined the democracy and secularism, at least in words, with its Muslim population. Justice and Development political party that came into power in 2002 drew a democratic image. At that time, Turkey had made remarkable process towards integration with European Union and widened the freedom in all area. But, in the course of time, R.T. Erdogan, the current President Turkey, has deeply dominated the whole party and became the only power. Erdogan’s and his close companions’ great triumph in referendum in 2010 and in general election in 2011 caused them to think that they had sufficient power to apply in the country whatever they want or how they want and they became rapidly autocratic. They declared their civil allies which supported them to fight against the military coup threat to establish the values of European Union, to amend the new regulations to be integrated with European Union’s norms and to broaden the freedom of humanity, freedom of speech, freedom of Journalism etc. as terrorists. Ironically, they became allies with the undercover powers that they fought against for years.

After the Gezi Park social protests in the spring of 2013 and 17-23 December corruption operations, later it is followed by serial investigations, the Gülen Movement, Liberals and some other democrats were called state enemies (traitor). Erdogan and his family were at the center of corruption and the evidences are based on a lot of undeniable and confidential hard materials. Those investigations were disposed and resulted in damage of Police Forces and Law-Justice Enforcement. As an excuse for their increasing autocracy, Gulen Movement was announced as a new traitor. The Witch Hunt was accelerated especially against the sympathizers of Gulen Movement after the very suspiciously organized Military Coup in July 15 of 2016 and continued with mass arrestments and dismissing from governmental institutions and confiscations of properties. The Authoritarian Regime that Erdogan has gained so far became completely official with the controversial referendum in 2017. Turkey is now in a dystopic position where everything is ruled and controlled by only one person. His statements and his actions are accepted as a rule and an order for all institutions, including Law-Enforcement.

From Military Autocratic Secularism to Social Supported Fascism

Turkey sounds when it is looked from outside, having the majority of its population Muslim but it have a secular constitution. In addition to that, it also seems that it has adopted the contemporary values such as, independency of law and superiority of democracy. The Justice and Development party that came to power in 2002 describes itself as conservative democrats.^[1] Until 2011, it endeavored to establish European Union’s values and to provide more freedom for institutions in the country. At the beginning, the party had a very democratic style of speech but later, it turned out to be a leader party that everything belongs to only one person. Erdogan dominated everything in the party. The party that had variety of efficient politicians and intellectuals was taken under control by Erdogan and he remained the only political figure on stage. Many figures, as effective as Erdogan in the party (AKP), have resigned from their positions in party’s governance and disappeared forever. After 2011, The Justice and Development party has adopted rhetorically more Islamic, nationalistic and xenophobic understanding of political party management.^[2] Erdogan, who was the prime minister between 2003 and 2014 and currently as a President, ruled the country alone, has reversed the acquired freedom and democratic values.^[3],[4]

Turning Point: 2011 General Elections

A few important core factors can be accounted why he became so evasive about democracy. Erdogan and his team, who took into consideration that they strengthened their dominance in ruling the country by gaining 49%,5 of votes in 2011 general elections, has declared that they would separate themselves from those allies who supported them along the way of integrating with EU’s democratic values (Liberals, Gulen Movement, Liberal Democrats and some Kurdish Initiative Civil Groups). Erdogan has gradually terminated his relationships with those groups and his new allies became Undercover State Militants, Mafias, Racists and that sort of Groups.^[5]

In that period, Erdogan and his partners have put those who prioritized democracy into state enemy category or traitor. In the spring of 2013, the social protests that began in Gezi Park were heavily used to consolidate his bases. Finally, the biggest corruption scandal in the history of the country erupted in December 2013 with involvement of four ministries from his party with their children and Erdogan himself. Erdogan has called the investigation that targeted four ministries as a movement to topple the ruling government. He has kept Gulen Movement and its Lieder as responsible. After that occasion, he has understood that he could not run the country no more on democratic system because the evidences of corruption scandal were undeniably confidential and strong. He has ended that investigation by taking all Law-Enforcement under his power. ^[6],[7] After that Turkey has deviated from its course. They already announced in the spring 2014 that they would start new Juristic reforms in order to open thousands of court cases to carry on the Witch Hunt against Gulen Movement. They started that with mass interrogations of Journalists and the police forces by amending new laws. What is happening now in Turkey is the continued of what happened.^{[8],[9],[10],[11]}

For Erdogan: “The God Blessing” Military Coup

In 15^th of July, Turkey has experienced a very strange Military Coup. But it is better not to call it as a military coup, rather false flag operation. The unusual military coup thesis was used to accelerate to create a stronger dictatorship in the country. The Extraordinary State situation that lasted for two years has dismissed the constitution and paralyzed other currently working institution in the country. During this period, Erdogan has used additional authority that the government had provided him and the authority that the constitution had not provided him, effectively to create a stronger dictatorship. It is apparent that Erdogan has managed to get what he wanted with that false flag operation. A military coup could only be done for such kind of reason without allowing any independent commissions to investigate.^{[12],[13],[14],[15]}

Erdogan’s coup has targeted all institutions in the country; First of all, highly respected and deeply influential establishments have been either confiscated or demolished, including Military, Courts, Supreme Court, Police Forces and Universities. Thousands of educational institutions and organizations have been either demolished or confiscated with new amendments during the State of Emergency Period. Thousands of firms at value in total more than 20 billion Dollars have been confiscated. During five years up until the beginning of 2019 approximately half millions of people have been arrested and kept into custody for months and some of them for years without any further investigations. Some of them have died during the custody due to the either unbearable prison conditions or lack of medicals. Turkey has now become the country which keeps the most number of Journalists and academics in the world. While they were torturing thousands of innocent people in prisons on one hand, and giving messages to the world that they are decisive to protect the democracy on the other hand. The worst of worst is that even outside the country, they did not allow international journalists to ask them questions freely and called those people who asked them questions either a terrorist or blamed them having the same speech with terrorists, at least those asking people are called Gulenist.^{[16],[17],[18],[19],[20]}

Academia as a Primary Target

The new regime’s primary targets were Academia and Universities. Despite many restrictions in the Constitution of Turkey, about ten thousands academics were dismissed from their positions and most of them were arrested. The worst part of that was mass arrestment and dismissing was, either due to fear or worries, accepted and supported by the nation. What the academics have suffered is the part of what is happening in the country. The most astonishing point is that the rest of academia was silent, did not react and therefore failed in that process.^{[21],[22],[23]} Different academics have appeared almost in all universities who denounced their own colleges for either personal vengeance or to be appointed to higher positions. The influenced people from the mass propaganda on one side and the ones who try to benefit from the situation are in remarkable number.^[24] Was pathetic during that period is that some of the oppositions and social associations and foundation unions which always defend democracy and justice either supported or provoked the lawlessness and anti-democratic actions.

1. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/apr/03/turkey-democracy-local-elections-akp-erdogan ↑

2. https://foreignpolicy.com/2013/06/03/how-democratic-is-turkey/ ↑

3. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-17994865 ↑

4. https://edition.cnn.com/2017/04/15/europe/turkey-erdogan-referendum-politics/index.html ↑

5. https://www.swp-berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/comments/2014C44_srt.pdf ↑

6. http://world.time.com/2014/01/02/how-erdogans-troubles-are-good-for-turkish-democracy/ ↑

7. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/22/opinion/turkey-election-erdogan-ince.html ↑

8. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/ekrem-dumanli-turkeys-witch-hunt-against-the-media/2015/01/01/7544429a-8fad-11e4-ba53-a477d66580ed_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.65140263cf6a ↑

9. https://stockholmcf.org/turkeys-erdogan-calls-for-expanded-witch-hunt-against-gulen-followers/ ↑

10. https://www.cnbc.com/2016/07/19/turkeys-witch-hunt-of-erdogan-rivals-only-just-starting.html ↑

11. https://www.amazon.com/Hungry-Power-Erdogans-Witch-Abuse/dp/1935295772 ↑

12. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/democracy-post/wp/2017/07/14/one-year-later-the-turkish-coup-attempt-remains-shrouded-in-mystery/?utm_term=.0811e04a9417 ↑

13. https://www.aldrimer.no/nato-insiders-suspect-staged-turkey-coup/ ↑

14. https://www.quora.com/Was-the-coup-in-Turkey-a-false-flag-operation-by-the-government-to-consolidate-power-over-military-and-courts ↑

15. http://www.aei.org/publication/turkish-officers-speak-erdogan-may-have-staged-coup/ ↑

16. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/turkey ↑

17. https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/turkey ↑

18. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/02/world/europe/turkey-emigration-erdogan.html ↑

19. https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-42586115/turkish-president-erdogan-berates-french-journalist ↑

20. https://www.dw.com/en/erdogan-in-paris-journalists-are-gardeners-of-terrorism/a-42037145 ↑

21. https://arsiv.toplumsal.com.tr/gundem/dort-akademisyeni-olduren-volkan-bayar-o-akp-linin-muhbiri-cikti-h19942.html ↑

22. http://www.tr724.com/katilin-isbirlikcilerine-sucustu/ ↑

23. http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/feto-davasi-tanigi-profesor-rektor-secimlerde-40490130 ↑

24. https://www.sondakika.com/haber/haber-chp-li-altiok-tan-aciga-alinan-rektor-hoscoskun-la-9323116/ ↑

(Art. No: 2)

Abstract

The rise of “competitive authoritarian regimes”, which shows an increasing trend in the last two decades, affects all educational institutions. Since these regimes maintain their power through populist policies, they invest in universities and care about controlling them. They use highly sophisticated methods to control higher education institutions, which are similar in almost all autocratic countries.

Russia, Hungary and Turkey, while attempting to create seemingly a running healthy democratic regime they always put pressure on academics and academic institutions and aim to ultimately completely control them. The pressures have reached to the extent of attempting to revoke educational licenses even closing international universities in Hungary and Russia. The pretext of an attempted failed coup attempt in Turkey was used as an excuse to shut down 15 universities and to dismiss about nine thousand faculty members and staff from the universities in Turkey.

Introduction

Democracies were expected to dominate the world after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Although there were some developments supporting this expectation at the beginning, as time progressed, we faced a phenomenon called “competitive authoritarian regime”. The tendency of authoritarianization, which accelerated in the last 20 years, is also reflected in universities and academic life. This seemingly new democratic form of government emerged after Vladimir Putin administration in Russia, and has been partially or completely implemented in many other countries in worldwide. With emergence of competitive authoritarian regime, some concepts began to lose their clarity nowadays. It is now more difficult to answer questions such as what countries are governed by real democracy and where academic freedoms are easier to practice. As the countries governed by authoritarian regimes proliferate, more and more academics are forced to leave their country. Since freedom of thought and expression is essential to any higher institution, controlling or even seizure of operations of universities can be the primary objective of the authoritarian governments.^[1]

The approach of these new hybrid or authoritarian regimes to universities differs from the approach of traditional kingdoms and the common dictatorships in the Middle Eastern countries. In traditional kingdoms, universities may be able to do all sorts of activities that do not directly target the kingdom. In a sense, universities are not critical to the royal and they leave a relatively free room for academia. There is not much regime debate in those countries anyway. As the dictatorships and monarchic regimes do not claim democracy, the academic environment in these countries cannot be compared with the true democratic countries. But ironically competitive authoritarian regimes claim to be the most democratic and try to ensure the approval of their assertion by academia. Therefore, the freedom of academics and the state-university relationship in these regimes are worthy of further investigation.^[2]

The fact that the authoritarian regimes initiated by Russia continue with elections does not make these regimes truly democratic, these countries can be named as electoral authoritarianism. However, to win elections these regimes prioritize populist policies, among other measures. They wish to appear in close relationship with the public by making investments in higher educational institutes, which have an important and high-ranking place in the public eye. In this context, such regimes develop very different and sophisticated ways of controlling universities as they see academic freedom as a major threat to themselves. The pressure of Hungary, a member of the European Union, to a university showed how close this danger was. Michael Ignatieff, president of the Central European University (OAU), writes an article on the subject, emphasizing such contradictions in the world and giving examples from his own university. Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who has been in power for a long time with populist policies in Hungary, tried to shut down this university by putting heavy pressure on OAU. Strong objections from Europe and other parts of the world seem to have saved the university from being closed for now. However, universities in other countries may not be as lucky as OAU. Pressuring a university by the government or punishing an academician for political reasons may be enough to frighten an entire academia. These regimes use all kind of actions by covering their oppression and tyranny with some sheaths and use them rudely for the sake of maintaining their power. ^[3]

As underlined earlier, Hybrid authoritarian regimes use similar methods to put pressure on universities and they use similar arguments in doing so. Acting against the Hungarian government and saving his university from closure by raising awareness and getting support from the international community, the President Prof. Michael Ignatieff makes very interesting observations on the authoritarian administrations of this period and highlights that the governments of China, Russia and Turkey also use pressure to tightly control the higher educational institutes at these countries. As mentioned in his work, two internationally respected universities operating in Russia have been swept away by the Russian government. One of these schools is Moscow School for Social and Economic Sciences, and the Russian government has canceled the state accreditation of this school. Despite this, the university is still operational and continues its education. Other one is European University at St. Petersburg which about to be shut down due to bureaucratic difficulties put forward in renewing its license.^[4],[5],[6]

Authoritarian regimes do not like internationally reputable institutions that exist within their country. In these countries, the most unwanted ones are free universities and independent national or international academics who defend freedom of speech and expression. While authoritarian regimes fight with such institutions and academics, they find ways to clear themselves against possible reactions worldwide. One of the most frequently used methods for the international academicians is the bureaucratic difficulty in extending their visa to stay or cancellation of their visa or even residency permit. Another method commonly used by these regimes is to force institutions to terminate their operations due to economic reasons by avoiding students’ preferences with slanderous news in government-controlled media against the targeted universities.

Turkey recently experienced more sever and harsh version of restriction of academic freedom previously experienced in other countries around the world. By implementing far more radical practices, the Erdogan regime closed down universities that advocated freedom speech and expression. In July 2016, Erdogan’s regime closed 15 universities run by non-profit organizations, which they had tried to harm them by making smear campaign that lasted for nearly three years prior to the coup attempt and seized their assets on the pretext of supporting a suspected coup attempt.

The pressures experienced for three years involves the central authorities reducing the student quotas of these universities, local authorities and/or municipalities not approving licenses of educational buildings and revoking the existing approved licenses. Moreover, they employed other means to seize operations of such institutions, which involves reducing the interest of students by targeting such institutions in the pro government media outlets, confiscating the belongings of foundations running such schools by court order, changing the university administration, and detaining or arresting faculty members, staffs and administrators. But they must have decided that all these pressures were not enough, they seized operations of all 15 universities they targeted by a government decree affecting the lives of approximately sixty-five thousand students, which is 40 times the number of students at OAU. These students had to transfer to other schools; many of them lost their scholarships some lost their educational rights. Moreover, about 2500 faculty members have lost their jobs, benefits and legal rights

The pressures we have mentioned thus far included the private universities whose ownership and management are not directly state-owned. Of course, similar pressures can easily be implemented with desired results in the state-owned universities. The employment contracts of foreign academicians working in the state-owned public universities can easily be revoked and these people can be deported out of the country. It is also not too difficult to fire and dismiss tenured faculty members and staff in these regimes by newly passed laws. Since the administrations are directly appointed by the government in such institutions, it is not difficult to create the desired pressurized environment. In state universities, there are often numerous ambitious academicians who cannot stand out with their academic work. These people often help to create any kind of pressurized environment as a voluntary collaborator of such regimes.^[7],[8],[9]

In today’s world where knowledge gains more value and power and academic diversity comes to the fore, it is unlikely that institutions that are pressured by the state can compete with their competitors and continue their vitality. Academics by nature are often timid and tend to leave their institution under pressure and go elsewhere. They often avoid to engage in conflicts and political fights if their expertise is not in that area. Likewise, in the face of the attacks of the authoritarian regimes and giant media power controlled by them, students will not be willing to study at such universities that have been labeled as ‘dissident’ by the regime. Public universities would not hire academics labeled as opponents and put extra pressure on existing ones. Another consequence of the pressures on people and/or groups who are in opposition is to be extra careful not to touch the topics which are the sensitive to the regime, which is a kind of self-censorship, this way the opposition wing becomes increasingly faded.

New tools are needed to protect academic freedoms in authoritarian regimes, even to a minimum. Presumably, the creation of an international awareness on this issue can be a deterrent for repressive regimes. Developing an atmosphere of solidarity between academic institutions and academics may be the most effective approach.

1. Andrea Kendall-Taylor & Erica Frantz. How Democracies Fall Apart- Why Populism Is a Pathway to Autocracy. Foreign Affairs; December 5, 2016. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2016-12-05/how-democracies-fall-apart ↑
2. Erica Frantz. Democracy Dismantled: Why the Populist Threat Is Real and Serious.. World Politic Revie, March 14, 2017. https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/21516/democracy-dismantled-why-the-populist-threat-is-real-and-serious ↑
3. Michael Ignatieff. The role of universities in an era of authoritarianism. University World News; 13 April 2018. https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20180413093717351 ↑
4. Ivan Nechepurenko. The New York Times; Aug. 26, 2018. In Russia, a Top University Lacks Just One Thing: Students. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/26/world/europe/european-university-st-petersburg-russia.html ↑
5. Ivan Nechepurenko. The New York Times; Aug. 26, 2018. In Russia, a Top University Lacks Just One Thing: Students. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/26/world/europe/european-university-st-petersburg-russia.html ↑
6. Meduza. Regulators have revoked their accreditation of the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences, one of Russia’s last major private colleges. https://meduza.io/en/feature/2018/06/22/regulators-have-revoked-their-accreditation-of-the-moscow-school-of-social-and-economic-sciences-one-of-russia-s-last-major-private-colleges ↑
7. Berk Esen & Sebnem Gumuscu. Rising competitive authoritarianism in Turkey. J Third World Quarterly; February 19, 2016. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01436597.2015.1135732 ↑
8. http://www.resmigazete.gov.tr/eskiler/2016/07/20160723-8.htm ↑
9. Ayse Çaglar. Blow by Blow: the Assault on Academic Freedom in Turkey. ResetDOC; 29 September 2017. https://www.resetdoc.org/story/blow-blow-assault-academic-freedom-turkey/ ↑