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A so called academic Woman at BBC

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Some time ago, Prof. Gulnur Aybet, Erdogan’s consultant, had claimed on the BBC’s HardTalk program that there was not a single journalist in Turkish prisons. When moderator Stephen Sackur asked her how many journalists were arrested, she tried to bypass the question. But when Sackur relentlessly repeated the question, she said: “There is not a single journalist in Turkish prisons”. Nobody in Turkey is behind bars because he is a journalist, Aybet said.

From the words of this expert on international relations, who satisfied government-related circles with her perfect English, we understand that Ahmet Altan was caught with a Kalashnikov in her hand during the coup night and was therefore sentenced to life imprisonment. Even more serious is the fact that Hidayet Karaca, a suicide bomber with explosives attached to his body, was placed in prison for life. Other journalists shared the same fate. According to Aybet, anyone who is arrested should ask about their profession. These would have given themselves as journalists and therefore many international federations are to maintain that in Turkey many journalists are imprisoned.

Irony would be out of place on such an important issue. But how can an academic falsify facts in such a way? If she had been a politician, we would not have taken her seriously. But how can she, looking into the eyes of the world public, denounce her opponents and repeat such allegations? Even more serious is the question, how can she still appear in public as an academic after such a statement?

In order to see what a metamorphosis the academics in Turkey are going through, it is perfectly sufficient to look at the example of Aybet. It is hard to believe how she can make such accusations in an area that has evidence and documentation. If your nerves can stand it and follow this lady’s full speech, you will find that a great effort is needed to explain the realities to the world public. We are faced with a rigorous example of an attempt at deception and do not know exactly whether it is due to a particular motivation or because of your consultant’s fee. You can watch the video under the following link.

For Academicians Seeking Financial Support in Other Countries

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Every year, thousands of academicians lose their jobs mostly for political reasons, and a significant portion of them are forced to leave their home countries. The oppression on academicians is not rare in the human history. Many scientists; from Socrates to Avicenna, from Galileo to Einstein; were the victims of injustice and oppression. Some lost their lives some left their countries and tried to survive in other lands. This situation is not too much different in today’s modern world. As an academician, if you feel at risk and have to leave your home country, there are institutions that could provide you job opportunities and support your research.

What are Fellowship / Bursary / Grant?

The scholarship is usually the name for educational support, which can provide funds directly for the graduate studies such as master or doctorate education. In some institutions, scholarship can also be funded by large scale research projects.

Tips for Scholarship / Research Projects:

To apply a scholarship,

• You have to make sure you are eligible for the scholarship or project support before making applications to these programs. For example, a person who has not completed his / her doctorate cannot apply to a program if a doctorate degree is a requirement for that program. Or one cannot apply a postdoc program accepting applications from people who completed the degree within past five years if she/he finished his/her degree 6 years ago.

• It is important a critical point for most fellowship/grant application to find a host institution that accept new applicant. Some of funding institutions directly ask the host institution to apply for fund on be behalf of the candidate, and they require a mentorship in the host institution.

• In order to find a position or support, it must fulfill the eligibility requirement and prove that you can make a contribution to that institution/field/country. In order to find a position at an academic institution in another country, you should be fluent in English or the language of that country. Depending on the nature of the position, in some rare cases, being fluent in third language may be enough to find a position. For example, a historian who is fluent in Russian may have the advantage of receiving a scholarship in the area of Soviet Studies.

What are the main scholarships?

In the Google search engine, a search like “international & academic & fellowship words” brings up about 152,000 results. You should be more specific in looking for funding opportunities through search engines. For example, if UK citizenship is an eligibility requirement for a scholarship or grant, obviously scholarship opportunities brought up by a search engine with UK citizenship requirements would not help you much. You should narrow down your search by adding additional words in the keywords combinations to find a scholarship or project that you are eligible to apply. This is a very important first step. Searches with better keyword combinations describing your situation would make it easier for you to find scholarships to apply.

For example, someone who completed his/her doctorate degree more than 5 years ago (in some places this is 10 years) should no longer seek post-doctoral positions. Instead, they should look for funding that can directly support their own research.

Institutions and Programs Supporting Risk Academicians:

Risk (SAR) at Scholar:

It is an organization established by the University of New York and is one of the most influential organizations in the world. Rarely, SAR can provide direct financial support to academicians at risk. Rather, it is a reference institution. For example, it collaborates with the German-based Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and directly supports the Philipp Schwartz Initiative, the foundation’s support program for at-risk academicians. This is also a very active program in making the voices of academicians oppressed in their home countries heard.

Web address: https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/about/

The Institute of International Education’s Scholar Rescue Fund (IIE-SRF):

This organization, called Scholar Rescue Found (SRF) in short, provides support to academics at risk all over the world. At the application step, a host institution is not required to apply for the support, but it is possible to use the scholarship only after finding a host research institution. This institution supports academics within two years of leaving their countries. If this period is over, applications are rejected.

Web address: http://www.scholarrescuefund.org/

The Council for At-Risk Academics (CARA):

It is a partnership of 119 civil society organizations based in the UK. CARA, together with the universities they cooperate with, provides support to academics at risk within two to three years after they leave their country. It is also one of the reference centers for academics at risk.

Web address: https://www.cara.ngo/

The Volkswagen Foundation Scholarships

The Volkswagen Foundation offers research, support and educational scholarships under various titles. Some of these are well suited for applications by researchers at risk. The “Refugee Researcher Support Scholarship, which can be used especially by academicians who are in exile in Germany, is one of them. The mentor academic to apply for this scholarship must be a researcher who has benefited from Volkswagen Foundation scholarships in the last decade. Refugee researchers may also be involved in ongoing researches. They process the applications fast, which is an important advantage.

https://www.volkswagenstiftung.de/en

https://www.volkswagenstiftung.de/en/funding/our-funding-portfolio-at-a-glance/funding-for-refugee-scholars-and-scientists

Seminar on Using Artificial Intelligence in Academia

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With the organization of the Academic Solidarity Association, a seminar based on artificial intelligence (AI) was held online on November 3, 2023. The meeting was attended by 86 academics. The seminar was presented by Dr. T. E., who has been working in this field for twenty years.

In this seminar, the expert described Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Large Language Models (LLM) with some application areas. The impact of AI was explored with the audience. There was also a demo session on the use of some AI based frameworks, ChatGPT and Bard. The last part was a Q&A session. The presentation slides are available on the website.

Seminar slides: https://academicsolidarity.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/AI-seminar.pdf

For Your Donations

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The Academic Solidarity Association is recognized as a public benefit association under the laws of the Federal Republic of Germany. All donations to the Academic Solidarity Association are tax deductible. A donation receipt is available upon request.

You can send your membership fees and donations to the bank account below.

Thank you for your support.

IBAN: DE54 1001 0010 0074 0991 41

About Us

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The Academic Solidarity Association is a non-profit organization based in Germany, founded in 2022 by academics from different countries. The association carried out its previous activities under the Academic Solidarity Initiative, founded in 2018. Most founders are academics who faced anti-democratic and illegal practices in their countries. They have lost their jobs and had to leave their countries. They have taken action to make the world aware of illegality, to support each other, and to fight against injustice and illegality.

The Academic Solidarity Association does not limit its vision of solidarity to violations and problems in one country or region. Its primary aim is to help all academics subjected to oppression and discrimination who have lost their jobs, been imprisoned, or have had to leave their country out of necessity.

Management:

Salih Hoşoğlu, Zekeriya Aktürk, Fatma Nur Kocacan, Yavuz Kaplan, Lokman Alpsoy, Remzi Arif Özerdemoğlu

Targeted activities:

1. Reporting violations and abuses in the academic field

2. Identifying and developing solutions to the problems faced by academics who are subject to discrimination and pressure

3. To facilitate and support solidarity and communication among academics. To this end

a. Organizing scientific research, meetings, conferences, panels, workshops, organizational activities (networking)

b. Provide consulting services

c. Exchange of experience

4. Assisting scientists and academic candidates in finding grants and research support

For donations:

IBAN: DE54 1001 0010 0074 0991 41

A new approach to assessing academic freedom: Academic Freedom Index

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The Academic Freedom Index (AFI) is a unique initiative that aims to conceptualize and measure academic freedom worldwide. This project assesses the current state of academic freedom worldwide based on five key indicators. These core indicators are freedom of research and teaching, freedom of scholarly exchange and dissemination, institutional autonomy, campus integrity, and freedom of academic and cultural expression.
The AFI was developed by scholars in Germany and Sweden. The project is led by Prof. Dr. Staffan Lindberg, Director of the Varieties Democracy (V-Dem) Institute at the University of Gothenburg, Prof. Dr. Katrin Kinzelbach and Dr. Lars Pelke of the Institute of Political Science at the Fredrich Alexander University (FAU), and Janika Spannagel of the Freie Universität Berlin. The project is supported by a five-year grant from the Volkswagen Foundation.
In brief, the researchers’ basic approach is as follows: Academic freedom is a human right and a prerequisite for research and development. Most of the world’s 171 countries have legally committed themselves to ensuring these freedoms under the UN Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) to “respect fundamental freedoms for scientific research and creative work” (Article 15.3). Unfortunately, these binding legal commitments signed by countries do not mean that academic freedom has been achieved. Although states have made these commitments, their implementation varies widely.
The AFI is based on assessments by 2,197 experts from different countries worldwide, standardized surveys, and well-established statistical models applied and adapted by the V-Dem project. The V-Dem Project is known for producing robust data on various dimensions of democracy. The Academic Freedom Index uses a Bayesian measurement model for data collection. With this model, they provide point estimates and make it possible to report measurement uncertainty in global assessments of academic freedom transparently. Users must consider this uncertainty when comparing scores across countries and over time.
The Index was constructed for the first time based on the actual use of academic freedoms as of December 2022. As such, it provides an overview of academic freedom in 179 countries and territories. What is striking about these reports is the gradual decline in academic freedom worldwide. Over the past decade, academic freedoms have been significantly curtailed in 22 countries home to more than 50% of the world’s population (approximately 4 billion people). Over the same period, academic freedom has improved significantly in only five small countries, representing only 0.7% of the world’s population. Academic freedoms have stagnated in most countries and are generally very low (152).
Countries where academic freedom has been seriously restricted in the past decade include China, India, Brazil, Russia, Turkey, Egypt, Ukraine, El Salvador, Comoros, Hong Kong, Afghanistan, Mexico, Thailand, Yemen, Nicaragua, Belarus, Uruguay, England, Poland, the United States, and Myanmar. Among these countries, China, Turkey, Egypt, Nicaragua, Belarus, and Myanmar are in Category E (the lowest category), the lowest level in the academic freedom classification. On the other hand, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, the Seychelles, Montenegro, and the Gambia are countries where academic freedom has improved significantly.
More information about the research and the index can be found on the index’s website: https://academic-freedom-index.net/

Background of Academic Collapse: What happened in Turkey?

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Abstract

Turkey was considered as a country which combined the democracy and secularism, at least in words, with its Muslim population. Justice and Development political party that came into power in 2002 drew a democratic image. At that time, Turkey had made remarkable process towards integration with European Union and widened the freedom in all area. But, in the course of time, R.T. Erdogan, the current President Turkey, has deeply dominated the whole party and became the only power. Erdogan’s and his close companions’ great triumph in referendum in 2010 and in general election in 2011 caused them to think that they had sufficient power to apply in the country whatever they want or how they want and they became rapidly autocratic. They declared their civil allies which supported them to fight against the military coup threat to establish the values of European Union, to amend the new regulations to be integrated with European Union’s norms and to broaden the freedom of humanity, freedom of speech, freedom of Journalism etc. as terrorists. Ironically, they became allies with the undercover powers that they fought against for years.

After the Gezi Park social protests in the spring of 2013 and 17-23 December corruption operations, later it is followed by serial investigations, the Gülen Movement, Liberals and some other democrats were called state enemies (traitor). Erdogan and his family were at the center of corruption and the evidences are based on a lot of undeniable and confidential hard materials. Those investigations were disposed and resulted in damage of Police Forces and Law-Justice Enforcement. As an excuse for their increasing autocracy, Gulen Movement was announced as a new traitor. The Witch Hunt was accelerated especially against the sympathizers of Gulen Movement after the very suspiciously organized Military Coup in July 15 of 2016 and continued with mass arrestments and dismissing from governmental institutions and confiscations of properties. The Authoritarian Regime that Erdogan has gained so far became completely official with the controversial referendum in 2017. Turkey is now in a dystopic position where everything is ruled and controlled by only one person. His statements and his actions are accepted as a rule and an order for all institutions, including Law-Enforcement.

From Military Autocratic Secularism to Social Supported Fascism

Turkey sounds when it is looked from outside, having the majority of its population Muslim but it have a secular constitution. In addition to that, it also seems that it has adopted the contemporary values such as, independency of law and superiority of democracy. The Justice and Development party that came to power in 2002 describes itself as conservative democrats.[1] Until 2011, it endeavored to establish European Union’s values and to provide more freedom for institutions in the country. At the beginning, the party had a very democratic style of speech but later, it turned out to be a leader party that everything belongs to only one person. Erdogan dominated everything in the party. The party that had variety of efficient politicians and intellectuals was taken under control by Erdogan and he remained the only political figure on stage. Many figures, as effective as Erdogan in the party (AKP), have resigned from their positions in party’s governance and disappeared forever. After 2011, The Justice and Development party has adopted rhetorically more Islamic, nationalistic and xenophobic understanding of political party management.[2] Erdogan, who was the prime minister between 2003 and 2014 and currently as a President, ruled the country alone, has reversed the acquired freedom and democratic values.[3],[4]

Turning Point: 2011 General Elections

A few important core factors can be accounted why he became so evasive about democracy. Erdogan and his team, who took into consideration that they strengthened their dominance in ruling the country by gaining 49%,5 of votes in 2011 general elections, has declared that they would separate themselves from those allies who supported them along the way of integrating with EU’s democratic values (Liberals, Gulen Movement, Liberal Democrats and some Kurdish Initiative Civil Groups). Erdogan has gradually terminated his relationships with those groups and his new allies became Undercover State Militants, Mafias, Racists and that sort of Groups.[5]

In that period, Erdogan and his partners have put those who prioritized democracy into state enemy category or traitor. In the spring of 2013, the social protests that began in Gezi Park were heavily used to consolidate his bases. Finally, the biggest corruption scandal in the history of the country erupted in December 2013 with involvement of four ministries from his party with their children and Erdogan himself. Erdogan has called the investigation that targeted four ministries as a movement to topple the ruling government. He has kept Gulen Movement and its Lieder as responsible. After that occasion, he has understood that he could not run the country no more on democratic system because the evidences of corruption scandal were undeniably confidential and strong. He has ended that investigation by taking all Law-Enforcement under his power. [6],[7] After that Turkey has deviated from its course. They already announced in the spring 2014 that they would start new Juristic reforms in order to open thousands of court cases to carry on the Witch Hunt against Gulen Movement. They started that with mass interrogations of Journalists and the police forces by amending new laws. What is happening now in Turkey is the continued of what happened.[8],[9],[10],[11]

For Erdogan: “The God Blessing” Military Coup

In 15th of July, Turkey has experienced a very strange Military Coup. But it is better not to call it as a military coup, rather false flag operation. The unusual military coup thesis was used to accelerate to create a stronger dictatorship in the country. The Extraordinary State situation that lasted for two years has dismissed the constitution and paralyzed other currently working institution in the country. During this period, Erdogan has used additional authority that the government had provided him and the authority that the constitution had not provided him, effectively to create a stronger dictatorship. It is apparent that Erdogan has managed to get what he wanted with that false flag operation. A military coup could only be done for such kind of reason without allowing any independent commissions to investigate.[12],[13],[14],[15]

Erdogan’s coup has targeted all institutions in the country; First of all, highly respected and deeply influential establishments have been either confiscated or demolished, including Military, Courts, Supreme Court, Police Forces and Universities. Thousands of educational institutions and organizations have been either demolished or confiscated with new amendments during the State of Emergency Period. Thousands of firms at value in total more than 20 billion Dollars have been confiscated. During five years up until the beginning of 2019 approximately half millions of people have been arrested and kept into custody for months and some of them for years without any further investigations. Some of them have died during the custody due to the either unbearable prison conditions or lack of medicals. Turkey has now become the country which keeps the most number of Journalists and academics in the world. While they were torturing thousands of innocent people in prisons on one hand, and giving messages to the world that they are decisive to protect the democracy on the other hand. The worst of worst is that even outside the country, they did not allow international journalists to ask them questions freely and called those people who asked them questions either a terrorist or blamed them having the same speech with terrorists, at least those asking people are called Gulenist.[16],[17],[18],[19],[20]

Academia as a Primary Target

The new regime’s primary targets were Academia and Universities. Despite many restrictions in the Constitution of Turkey, about ten thousands academics were dismissed from their positions and most of them were arrested. The worst part of that was mass arrestment and dismissing was, either due to fear or worries, accepted and supported by the nation. What the academics have suffered is the part of what is happening in the country. The most astonishing point is that the rest of academia was silent, did not react and therefore failed in that process.[21],[22],[23] Different academics have appeared almost in all universities who denounced their own colleges for either personal vengeance or to be appointed to higher positions. The influenced people from the mass propaganda on one side and the ones who try to benefit from the situation are in remarkable number.[24] Was pathetic during that period is that some of the oppositions and social associations and foundation unions which always defend democracy and justice either supported or provoked the lawlessness and anti-democratic actions.

  1. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/apr/03/turkey-democracy-local-elections-akp-erdogan

  2. https://foreignpolicy.com/2013/06/03/how-democratic-is-turkey/

  3. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-17994865

  4. https://edition.cnn.com/2017/04/15/europe/turkey-erdogan-referendum-politics/index.html

  5. https://www.swp-berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/comments/2014C44_srt.pdf

  6. http://world.time.com/2014/01/02/how-erdogans-troubles-are-good-for-turkish-democracy/

  7. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/22/opinion/turkey-election-erdogan-ince.html

  8. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/ekrem-dumanli-turkeys-witch-hunt-against-the-media/2015/01/01/7544429a-8fad-11e4-ba53-a477d66580ed_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.65140263cf6a

  9. https://stockholmcf.org/turkeys-erdogan-calls-for-expanded-witch-hunt-against-gulen-followers/

  10. https://www.cnbc.com/2016/07/19/turkeys-witch-hunt-of-erdogan-rivals-only-just-starting.html

  11. https://www.amazon.com/Hungry-Power-Erdogans-Witch-Abuse/dp/1935295772

  12. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/democracy-post/wp/2017/07/14/one-year-later-the-turkish-coup-attempt-remains-shrouded-in-mystery/?utm_term=.0811e04a9417

  13. https://www.aldrimer.no/nato-insiders-suspect-staged-turkey-coup/

  14. https://www.quora.com/Was-the-coup-in-Turkey-a-false-flag-operation-by-the-government-to-consolidate-power-over-military-and-courts

  15. http://www.aei.org/publication/turkish-officers-speak-erdogan-may-have-staged-coup/

  16. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/turkey

  17. https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/turkey

  18. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/02/world/europe/turkey-emigration-erdogan.html

  19. https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-42586115/turkish-president-erdogan-berates-french-journalist

  20. https://www.dw.com/en/erdogan-in-paris-journalists-are-gardeners-of-terrorism/a-42037145

  21. https://arsiv.toplumsal.com.tr/gundem/dort-akademisyeni-olduren-volkan-bayar-o-akp-linin-muhbiri-cikti-h19942.html

  22. http://www.tr724.com/katilin-isbirlikcilerine-sucustu/

  23. http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/feto-davasi-tanigi-profesor-rektor-secimlerde-40490130

  24. https://www.sondakika.com/haber/haber-chp-li-altiok-tan-aciga-alinan-rektor-hoscoskun-la-9323116/

(Art. No: 2)